Is The Triumvirate
Acceptable
If They Serve the Public Good?
Spitzer Uses Bruno and Silver,
Writer Criticizes Secret Deals.
Henry J. Stern
March 5, 2007
Day 64 - Plus ca change, plus c'est la meme chose?
In Sunday's Daily News (I remember when they called it the Sunday News, and
Dick Tracy was on the cover at the newsstand.),
Michael
Goodwin wrote a powerful column headed "3 MEN WALK INTO A ROOM...Spitzer
joins a secret society, and it's no laughing matter."
You should link to Goodwin's column and read it, if you don't have the Sunday
paper. Published as it was on Day 63 (remember Day One - everything
changes), it means the new governor's honeymoon lasted just nine weeks, as
far as Goodwin is concerned.
The thrust of the article is that Governor Spitzer is conducting important
state business in secret, dealing only with Speaker Sheldon Silver and Senate
leader Joseph Bruno. There has been no opportunity for public input or review
of the actions he has taken. Nor has anything been done about the conflicts
of interest or other abuses involving his two new partners.
These paragraphs, which are revealing, quote the governor directly. His words
are in capitals, but that does not mean he shouted. We weren't there.
"Spitzer, in a brief, testy phone interview, defended the process and the
outcome. 'THIS IS THE WAY GOVERNMENT SHOULD WORK. FOR ALL THE NATTERING
OF THE EDITORIAL PAGES, WE’RE ACTUALLY GETTING SOMETHING DONE.
"When I said it was my opinion he had given into the Legislature's usual
scams of secrecy, he shot back: "I’M THE GOVERNOR OF THE STATE. I’LL
BE LYNDON JOHNSON. I’LL CRAFT THE DEALS AND I’LL GET THE JOB DONE.
YOU WILL WRITE AND I WILL DO. THAT’S WHY YOU’RE THERE AND I’M HERE."
Goodwin concludes, in his own words, "Lyndon Johnson? Wow. Twelve steps
may not be enough to cure our new governor."
We have three specific comments on this enlightening dialogue:
1) re Spitzer: We had not heard the word ‘nattering’ since Bill Safire
in 1970 wrote into a speech Vice President Spiro Agnew gave in San Diego
the timeless phrase “nattering nabobs of negativity”. That was also
a reference to the press, which had found fault with the Vice President,
much as the media and the public complain about Dick Cheney today.
Did the governor, in using that most unusual word in connection with the
press, identify with either of the two beleaguered vice presidents?
2) re Goodwin and Spitzer: If our governor shows the ability
that Lyndon Johnson had to get legislation adopted by Congress, he will be
Presidential timber. Johnson's downfall was the war in Vietnam, but
his success in getting bills passed was remarkable, as Robert Caro has described
so ably. LBJ would be a good role model for ELS. We do not believe
that Johnson, vulgar in private as he unquestionably was, ever referred to
himself a steamroller, although he often used the intensifying expletive
as a gerund preceding a noun, which in this case is also a transitive verb.
3) re Goodwin: Does the reference to ‘twelve steps’ indicate
that Goodwin believes that Spitzer is more troubled or delusional than an
alcoholic, drug addict, gambler, overeater or sexual predator who is participating
in the twelve step recovery program originated by AA. If not, what
does it mean? If it does, that is permissible rhetoric by an outraged
columnist, protected by the First Amendment and a free press. Certainly
this governor ought not complain about the expressive language of others.
An editorial in this morning's Times, "
GOVERNOR
GUNSLINGER", gives the Times' opinion on various agreements which have
been reached in Albany. Their concerns with the legislative process
are expressed below:
"For all his early successes, Mr. Spitzer has not yet managed to change
the way things get done in Albany. These reforms were largely worked
out the old-fashioned way -- in the backrooms of the State Capitol.
It makes sense that Mr. Spitzer wanted to push through some early victories,
but if he plans to succeed over time, he should be doing more to bring the
public into the discussion."
The column and the editorial reflect New York's differences of opinion. The
governor tells it as he sees it, and so do the writers, the columnist with
concern and dismay, the editorialist with proprietary gentility. Michael
Goodwin is the kind of journalist that Eliot Spitzer is governor; aggressive,
intelligent, and productive. Neither suffers fools gladly. The brighter
you are, the more people you may believe to be fools. It is important
not to indicate to people that you believe them foolish, because although
fools they may be, they are smart enough to know what you think of them,
and they can be angry enough to do you harm if they have the opportunity.
This admonition applies in particular to public officials at all levels.
Rule 26-W: A word to the wise is sufficient.
Is every public issue necessarily racial? The columnist writes that
public business is still being transacted in secrecy by "three white men."
Although Spitzer, Bruno and Silver are all European-American males, and two
of the three may have ethical issues, they are in the room because they were
elected, either by the people or by their fellow legislators, not because
of their race or gender. Nor are they responsible for the racial and
sexual discrimination that has occurred since the dawn of history, and possibly
earlier if early homo sapiens disposed of the Neanderthals. If
State Senator Malcolm Smith, an African-American who is now the minority
leader, were to become majority leader and consequently the third man in
the room, the dynamic of the trio would be unlikely to change. The
issue here is not race or gender, it is power and process.
We believe that open government is generally better than secret government,
with some kind of exception for issues involving national security.
As far as we know, there are no such matters before the state legislature,
so we are in basic agreement with Goodwin’s point, to the extent that it
is practical. The legislators may be sheep, but sheep need shepherds,
and in our system, the herder is elected by the sheep, not that they
have much real choice. At any rate, with whom would you have the governor
deal? Backbenchers? When a negotiation is undertaken, each party
must be able, if agreement is reached, to deliver his side. We cite Rule
24-T: “What do you bring to the table?”
During the war on poverty in the late 1960’s, the rubric was "maximum feasible
participation" by the poor in administering programs designed to help them.
That helped a lot of people to steal. Today we seek maximum feasible participation
by the public and the legislators in the consideration and adoption of legislation
and, in particular, the state budget. The purpose is to prevent a lot
of people from stealing. We paraphrase Mr. Justice Brandeis: “Sunlight
is the best disinfectant.”
Reformers want government to change for the better, but they are not truly
comfortable with the exercise of power by anyone, perhaps because of their
anarchist ancestors.. One definition of power is the ability to get
people to do things they do not want to do, either because of their convictions
or because it is not in their interest. You do not need power to get legislators
to reduce taxes or increase spending. You need power to pass bills
which are unpopular but necessary. In recent years there has not been
enough power to make the legislature fiscally responsible, so New York’s
pubic deficit has risen steadily, and debt incurred by public authorities
has ballooned. These are real-world consequences of Albany’s discord
and futility.
Speaking of openness, Governor Spitzer is certainly open in expressing his
feelings, and we should value his candor. It would be easy for him
either not to return the reporter’s phone call, or to say blandly that he
will do his best to open the process. He could point with some justification
to the state’s generation of stagnation, which has left the new administration
to play catch-up on many public issues that have not been addressed.
Instead the man says what he thinks, like it or not.. How many congressmen
did FDR consult preparing for the First Hundred Days in 1933? Rule
23-I "I don't know and you don't know." But the New Deal did not originate
in Congress.
As you can see, legislative process is a difficult, even a vexing question.
All sides are partially right and there is no easy answer, etc. In
the crucible of conflicting opinions and different attitudes, hopefully a
path will be found which will lead us to a responsive, responsible and inclusive
state government. It should only be.
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