What We Learned from the Election
By Henry J. Stern November 3, 2004
The
national election is everyone's concern today. The trends it showed are both
encouraging and disturbing. The good news is that both candidates reaffirmed
America's commitment to fighting terrorism, wherever it occurs or is being
planned. The bad news is that social conservatism emerged as a major political
force in Midwestern and Southern states. Gay marriage was a flashpoint issue,
but if that had not arisen, Karl Rove would have found something else. It
could have been partial birth abortion, gays in the military, marijuana,
capital punishment or any other issue where liberal viewpoints commonly accepted
in some parts of the country are indignantly rejected in others.
The voters in eleven states amended their constitutions to define marriage
as a relationship between a man and a woman, a viewpoint which has been widely
held, in theory if not always in practice, for millennia. The unjustified
fears stirred of any official sanction for same-sex relationships resonated
in support for the reelection of the president, who many people felt could
be more depended upon to maintain what remains of the existing social order.
Democrats will have to think carefully what they will offer the public in
2008. This year they had the advantage of running against an incumbent who
had begun a war, perhaps justly, but had not been able to end it. The Democratic
candidate was the better debater, and during the campaign he became a stronger
speaker. One could see him improve over the months. He did have credibility
issues relating to his four-month Vietnam service, punctuated by three Purple
Hearts, but still, he volunteered and he was in combat four months longer
than the president, who had military issues of a different nature.
Kerry's impassioned anti-war testimony in 1971 caused some lingering doubts
in 2004. He was televised too widely too early in his career, but who knew?
By comparison, W did not become a public figure in his own right until he
was well into his forties. As the son of another president, he started high
on the greasy pole, while Kerry used his own varied talents to ascend and
prosper.
The political problem the Democrats face is shown clearly on the map of the
United States, with the states in blue and red. Apart from the Northeast,
the upper Midwest and the Pacific Coast, America is almost entirely made
up of red states. And even if Kerry had barely taken Ohio, he would still
have been three million votes behind in the popular vote. In 2000, Gore got
500,000 more votes than Bush, but lost, as you know, in the Electoral College.
We narrowly missed the reverse result this time, with Bush winning the popular
vote but losing in the electoral count. Some people thought that would be
a fair outcome, erasing what they saw as the injustice of 2000. It would
have been fearful symmetry, but quite unfair for a candidate of either party
to receive three million more votes than his rival and end up being counted
out because his supporters lived in the wrong states.
Eventually, candidates and their handlers will have to think hard about what
to do and say when people just don't want what they have to offer. Do they
change their positions to meet the public's taste, or stick to their guns
and go down with the ship? That dilemma is why so many public officials dissemble
about what they believe and what they will do. As a result, they are not
widely believed. However, all a candidate needs is one more vote than his
opponent.
Senator Kerry was in numerous situations where his record caused a problem,
since he cast thousands of votes in his twenty years in the Senate. In the
light of history, Kerry's vote in 1991 not to authorize Bush 41 to get Saddam
out of Kuwait was a mistake. At the time, the United Nations favored the
intervention, and a wide coalition was assembled. It met the "global test."
But Senator Moynihan and 42 of 50 Senate Democrats voted to deny 41 the authority
to free Kuwait. Among the eight hawks who voted with the Republicans on that
issue was Senator Al Gore, whose opinions may have changed over the years,
as he drifted from Clinton's right to his left.
The Senate and House are more strongly Republican than before, so New York
City has no reason to be optimistic about its counterterrorism funding desires,
or new federal assistance for transportation, housing or other urban needs.
Perhaps our Republican mayor can help; he has done so in the past, quietly
but effectively. New Yorkers' political views and votes may be noble, but
there is often in life a price to be paid for one's convictions.
We will watch to see if any New Yorkers are appointed to be senior members
of the president's team. From our worm's-eye view, it appears unlikely, unless
Governor Ridge wants to retire and return to his big blue state. Some names
are just below the surface. But none of us knows what is really going on
in the hearts and minds of the decision makers. We cite Rule 11 — Let it
unfold.
As we watched the final pas de deux on TV this afternoon, John Edwards
seemed aggressive and frustrated, while John Kerry appeared comfortable in
his role and expressed gratitude to his supporters. On the other side, avuncular
Dick Cheney was as cheerful as he ever gets, and the president spoke well
and reached out to "those who voted for my opponent." It was, like his inaugural,
a Peggy Noonan-type speech. If his attitude and his actions live up to his
expressed intentions, his second term should be better than his first.
Already, a couple of hours ago, a French official said publicly that the
American election brings "a new start" in the Middle East, whoever won. People
have a way of coming to terms with reality, even if it is not quite the reality
they sought.
Reader responses
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Henry J. Stern
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New York Civic
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(212) 564-4441
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